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Articles
Below are some of the articles published on terrorism, political violence, and/or homeland security, since the SWOTT workshop was held in July.  This list does not represent the entirety of articles published in the field, nor are they necessarily endorsed by SWOTT, but are instead a representative sample of publications from some of the major journals in the field.  Articles are listed by alphabetical order according to the primary author’s last name within each topic.  This first list includes the full citation of the article.  The second list provides an abstract when one exists.

Many recent articles emphasize the role of women – the September-October 2005 issue of Studies in Conflict and Terrorism focused exclusively on women and terrorism, and includes an article by one of our very own SWOTT speakers, Brigitte Nacos.  Even more common among recent publications is a focus on religion – a number of articles, including the entire Autumn 2005 issue of Terrorism and Political Violence, are devoted to the role of religion in conflicts and terrorism.  Other recent topics include: counterinsurgency/counterterrorism; national-separatist movements/secession; and the international dimensions of internal conflict.


The Role of Women

Kathleen Blee, “Women and Organized Racial Terrorism in the United States,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 28:5 (September-October 2005), 421-433.

David Cook, “Women Fighting in Jihad?” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 28:5 (September-October 2005), 375-384.

Susan McKay, “Girls as ‘Weapons of Terror’ in Northern Uganda and Sierra Leonean Rebel Fighting Forces,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 28:5 (September-October 2005), 385-397.

Brigitte Nacos, “The Portrayal of Female Terrorists in the Media: Similar Framing Patterns in the News Coverage of Women in Politics and in Terrorism,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 28:5 (September-October 2005), 435-451.

Cindy Ness, “In the Name of the Cause: Women’s Work in Secular and Religious Terrorism,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 28:5 (September-October 2005), 353-373.

Anne Nivat, “The Black Widows” Chechen Women Join the Fight for Independence – and Allah,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 28:5 (September-October 2005), 413-419.

Carolyn Nordstrom, “(Gendered) War,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 28:5 (September-October 2005), 399-411.

Religious Conflicts

Zachary Abuza, “The Moro Islamic Liberation Front at 20: State of the Revolution,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 28:6 (November-December 2005), 453-479.

Yehudith Auerbach, “Forgiveness and Reconciliation: The Religious Dimension,” Terrorism and Political Violence 17:3 (Autumn 2005), 469-485.

Robert Cassidy, “Feeding Bread to the Luddites: The Radical Fundamentalist Islamic Revolution in Guerrilla Warfare,” Small Wars and Insurgencies 16:3 (December 2005), 334-359.

Stuart Cohen, “The Changing Jewish Discourse on Armed Conflict: Themes and Implications,” Terrorism and Political Violence 17:3 (Autumn 2005), 353-370.

Tanja Ellingsen, “Toward a Revival of Religion and Religious Clashes?” Terrorism and Political Violence 17:3 (Autumn 2005), 305-332.

Jonathan Fox and Shmuel Sandler, “The Question of Religion and World Politics,” Terrorism and Political Violence 17:3 (Autumn 2005), 293-303.

Hillel Frisch, “Has the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Become Islamic? Fatah, Islam, and the Al-Aqsa Martyr’s Brigades,” Terrorism and Political Violence 17:3 (Autumn 2005), 391-406.

Gaurav Ghose and Patrick James, “Third-Party Intervention in Ethno-Religious Conflict: Role Theory, Pakistan, and War in Kashmir, 1965,” Terrorism and Political Violence 17:3 (Autumn 2005), 427-445.

Simnon Haddad, “A Survey of Lebanese Shi’I Attitudes towards Hezbollah,” Small Wars and Insurgencies 16:3 (December 2005), 317-333.

Carolyn James and Ozgur Ozdamar, “Religion as a Factor in Ethnic Conflict: Kashmir and Indian Foreign Policy,” Terrorism and Political Violence 17:3 (Autumn 2005), 447-467.

Irina Mukhina, “Islamic Terrorism and the Question of National Liberation, or Problems of Contemporary Chechen Terrorism,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 28:6 (November-December 2005), 515-532.

Elizabeth Oldmixon, Beth Rosenson, and Kenneth Wald, “Conflict over Israel: The Role of Religion, Race, Party and Ideology in the U.S. House of Representatives, 1997-2002,” Terrorism and Political Violence 17:3 (Autumn 2005), 407-426.

Susanna Pearce, “Religious Rage: A Quantitative Analysis of the Intensity of Religious Conflicts,” Terrorism and Political Violence 17:3 (Autumn 2005), 333-352.

Michael Roberts, “Tamil Tiger ‘Martyrs’: Regenerating Divine Potency?Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 28:6 (November-December 2005), 493-514.

Jonathan Rynhold, “Religion, Postmodernization, and Israeli Approaches to the Conflict with the Palestinians,” Terrorism and Political Violence 17:3 (Autumn 2005), 371-389.

Arthur Saniotis, “Re-Enchanting Terrorism: Jihadists as “Liminal Beings”Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 28:6 (November-December 2005), 533-545

Anthony Vinci, “The Strategic Use of Fear by the Lord's Resistance Army,” Small Wars and Insurgencies 16:3 (December 2005), 360-381.

Counterinsurgency and Counterterrorism

François-Marie Gougeon, “The Challe Plan: Vain Yet Indispensable Victory,” Small Wars and Insurgencies 16:3 (December 2005), 293-316.

Patrick O'Neil, “Complexity and Counterterrorism: Thinking about Biometrics,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 28:6 (November-December 2005), 547-566.

Martijn Rasser, “The Dutch Response to Moluccan Terrorism, 1970–1978,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 28:6 (November-December 2005), 481-492.

National-Separatist Movements/Secession

Jaroslav Tir, “Keeping the Peace after Secession: Territorial Conflicts Between Rump and Secessionist States,”Journal of Conflict Resolution 49:5 (October 2005), 713-741.

Jaroslav Tir, “Dividing Countries to Promote Peace: Prospects for Long-Term Success of Partitions,”Journal of Peace Research 42:5 (September 2005), 545-562.

International Dimensions

Lotta Harbom, and Peter Wallensteen, “Armed Conflict and Its International Dimensions, 1946-2004,”Journal of Peace Research 42:5 (September 2005), 623-635.

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CITATIONS WITH ABSTRACTS
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The Role of Women

Kathleen Blee, “Women and Organized Racial Terrorism in the United States,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 28:5 (September-October 2005), 421-433.

Racial terrorism—violence perpetrated by organized groups against racial minorities in pursuit of white and Aryan supremacist agendas—has played a significant role in U.S. society and politics. Women have been important actors in much of this violence. This article examines women's involvement in racial terrorism from the immediate post-Civil War period to the present. Although organized racial violence by women has increased over time, this trend may not continue. The strategic directions and tactical choices of Aryan and white supremacist groups are likely to alter the extent and nature of women's involvement in racial terrorism in the future.

David Cook, “Women Fighting in Jihad?” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 28:5 (September-October 2005), 375-384.

The subject of women fighting in jihad has been a controversial and under-researched topic in classical and contemporary Muslim religious literature. In general, classical authorities did not see women fighting except in the most extraordinary circumstances yet did not expressly forbid it. Today radical Muslims seeking to widen their appeal have modified these conclusions and made it possible for women to participate together with men on the battlefield and in martyrdom operations. This article looks at the classical religious and legal literature to contextualize the arguments being made for females participating in jihad in contemporary times.

Susan McKay, “Girls as ‘Weapons of Terror’ in Northern Uganda and Sierra Leonean Rebel Fighting Forces,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 28:5 (September-October 2005), 385-397.

Girls—both willingly and unwillingly—participate in terrorist acts within the context of contemporary wars. These acts range from targeting civilians for torture and killing to destroying community infrastructures so that people's physical and psychological health and survival are affected. Girls witness or participate in acts such as mutilation, human sacrifice, forced cannibalism, drug use, and physical and psychological deprivation. This article focuses upon girls in two fighting forces: the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) in Northern Uganda and the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) in Sierra Leone and their roles as combatants whose primary strategy is perpetrating terrorist acts against civilians. In analyses of gender and terrorism, girls are typically subsumed under the larger category of female, which marginalizes their experiences and fails to recognize that they possess agency and power.

Brigitte Nacos, “The Portrayal of Female Terrorists in the Media: Similar Framing Patterns in the News Coverage of Women in Politics and in Terrorism,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 28:5 (September-October 2005), 435-451.

Although women have been among the leaders and followers of terrorist organizations throughout the history of modern terrorism, the mass media typically depict women terrorists as interlopers in an utterly male domain. A comparison of the framing patterns in the news about women in politics and the entrenched stereotypes in the coverage of female terrorists demonstrates similarities in the depiction of these legitimate (women in politics) and illegitimate political actors (women in terrorism). Just like the managers of election campaigns are cognizant of the electorate's stereotypical gender perceptions, terrorist organizations know about and exploit cultural gender clichés that are reinforced by the media. The argument here is that the implementation of anti- and counterterrorist policies must not be influenced by the mass-mediated images of female terrorists because they do not reflect reality.

Cindy Ness, “In the Name of the Cause: Women’s Work in Secular and Religious Terrorism,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 28:5 (September-October 2005), 353-373.

The article begins by providing a brief history of the involvement of females in the conduct of modern terrorism and discusses the different ideological mindsets that account for their becoming more involved in terrorism associated with ethno-separatist rather than religious concerns, with an eye to the fact that the trend shows unmistakable signs of changing. Secondly, it considers the structure of logic, or systems of contention, that secular and religious groups employ in attempting to legitimize women and girls offering themselves up as martyrs, and discusses what mechanisms they share for doing so. The thesis of this paper is that secular and religious terrorism, though seeking to create significantly different worlds, one modern, the other traditional, fall back upon many of the same rhetorical strategies to justify females engaging in political violence, especially the rhetoric of martyrdom. The Sri Lankan nationalist-based Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) is highlighted as the secular example and Hamas and Islamic Jihad as the religious ones.

Anne Nivat, “The Black Widows” Chechen Women Join the Fight for Independence – and Allah,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 28:5 (September-October 2005), 413-419.

Using the Chechen rebel sieges of the Dubrovka Theater in Moscow and the elementary school in Beslan as a focal point, the author traces the events of that day back to its origins in the hearts of the women who participated in the hostage taking. She reveals the impact that female rebels had on the psyche of Russians and their media, and the impact that Russian government policy in Chechnya has had on Chechen women, whether they are trying to lead a devout Muslim life or simply live in peace in a war zone.

Carolyn Nordstrom, “(Gendered) War,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 28:5 (September-October 2005), 399-411.

Women and girls do not have an option about fighting in the wars of the twentieth and twenty-first century. The vast majority of war casualties today are average citizens and the preponderance of these are women and children. Political violence has moved over the last century from trench warfare to assaults on the very domestic stability that gives a society shape and meaning. But these are invisible tactics: they are at one and the same time thought by military leaders to be effective, and as well to be heinous. Today's warfare globally is entrenched in a double set of betrayals: placing women at the epicenters of war and simultaneously denying this. What, then, does it mean to be a female combatant?

Religious Conflicts

Zachary Abuza, “The Moro Islamic Liberation Front at 20: State of the Revolution,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 28:6 (November-December 2005), 453-479.

The Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) has waged a secessionist campaign in the Southern Philippines since 1978, when they broke away from the secular Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). Their avowed goal is to establish an independent Islamic state. Though initially armed and supported by the Libyan and Malaysian governments, by the early 1990s, the MILF had lost much of its state support and forged a tentative relationship with Al Qaeda, receiving money through Saudi charities, as well as limited military training. In exchange, they had to give some assistance to groups, such as Al Qaeda's regional affiliate, Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) and Abu Sayyaf group (ASG); ties that they continue to maintain. Thus the ongoing peace talks between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the MILF have regional security operations.

Yehudith Auerbach, “Forgiveness and Reconciliation: The Religious Dimension,” Terrorism and Political Violence 17:3 (Autumn 2005), 469-485.

This paper focuses on “forgiveness” as one of the most conspicuous expressions of the growing role of religion in conflict transformation. The main questions put forward are the following: What is the role of forgiveness in reconciliation? Is forgiveness a necessary condition for reconciliation between former enemies? Is it sufficient for bringing about real and stable peace between them? To what extent and how does religion affect the reconciliation via forgiveness process?  This paper distinguishes between material conflicts, which evolve around material and dividable assets, and identity conflicts, which involve deep-seated hatred originating in the feeling of at least one of the sides that the other has usurped their legitimate rights. While material conflicts can be brought to an end through traditional conflict resolution techniques, identity conflicts need “track two” diplomacy strategies, and particularly forgiveness in order to reach reconciliation. Forgiveness, basically a religious concept, is a necessary (though not sufficient) condition for bringing about reconciliation in identity conflicts. To the extent that the sides to the conflict share similar religious convictions regarding the centrality and nature of forgiveness, religion will contribute to reconciliation. But if the contenders hold different (let alone conflicting) tenets regarding forgiveness, religion may hamper the reconciliation process.  A quick glance at the three monotheistic religions shows significant differences in their approaches toward forgiveness. While Judaism, and to some extent Islam, see repentance as a sine qua non for forgiveness, Christianity highlights mercy and love and teaches its believers to ask and grant forgiveness without preconditions. These differences may widen the gap between the parties to an identity conflict that wish to resolve their conflict and ultimately reach full and genuine reconciliation. The arguments put forward in this paper need to be put to the test in historic and actual cases of identity conflicts. The Israeli–Palestinian conflict could serve as a suitable example for such a test.

Robert Cassidy, “Feeding Bread to the Luddites: The Radical Fundamentalist Islamic Revolution in Guerrilla Warfare,” Small Wars and Insurgencies 16:3 (December 2005), 334-359.

This study examines the war that the United States has waged since September 2001 as a global counterinsurgency. Placing the war against al-Qaeda and its allied groups and organizations in the context of a global insurgency also presents implications for doctrine, interagency coordination and military cultural change. The first part of the article offers a distilled analysis of al-Qaeda and its associated networks. The second section examines the US military in the context of the Western way of war, with the attendant military-cultural impediments to adapting to an enemy who embraces a very different approach to war. The third section aims to define and describe the nature of the war that America and its coalition partners are trying to wage. The concluding section offers the most value as it refines and distills the work of several international security and military thinkers to arrive at some imperatives for successfully prosecuting this type of war to its end.

Stuart Cohen, “The Changing Jewish Discourse on Armed Conflict: Themes and Implications,” Terrorism and Political Violence 17:3 (Autumn 2005), 353-370.

The ubiquity of military service and armed conflict in the contemporary Israeli experience has stimulated intense Jewish theological discourse in matters relevant to armed conflict. Warfare and its conduct, subjects that for almost two millennia constituted one of the great lacunae of rabbinic instruction, are now addressed in a swelling tide of detailed and erudite publications.  The present essay outlines the contours of that discourse. Focusing on contemporary analyses of issues that in the western tradition fall under the rubric of ius ad bellum, it examines the means whereby attempts are made to apply traditional Jewish taxonomies of conflict to modern Israeli circumstances.  In addition, the essay addresses four specific issues: (1) The identities and affiliations of the discourses principal participants; (2) The formats and styles of their discussions; (3) The principal issues with which they are concerned; and (4) The potential implications, operational as well as intellectual, of the developments described.

Tanja Ellingsen, “Toward a Revival of Religion and Religious Clashes?” Terrorism and Political Violence 17:3 (Autumn 2005), 305-332.

In recent years several scholars claim to see a religious revival resulting in a resurgence of religious clashes. To what extent do these claims have validity? This article tries to answer this question by focusing on the importance of religion as a source of identity as well as a source of conflict for people, both over time and across cultures. Based on survey data from the World Value Surveys (WVS) as well as the Uppsala Conflict database, this article concludes that religion remains an important source of identity for people, and that to some extent it has become more important recently. Further, although the relative importance of religion varies between civilizations, religion remains an important factor in the West. These differences are not fully accounted for by economic and political factors, meaning that the type of civilization matters more for the importance of religion than whether the country is rich or poor. Religious differences also seem to increase the risk of intrastate armed conflict, at least since the end of the cold war. Although armed conflicts over identity are decreasing, those which do involve religious differences seem more intractable. In sum, these tendencies seem to confirm the notion of a resurgence of religion and religious conflicts.

Jonathan Fox and Shmuel Sandler, “The Question of Religion and World Politics,” Terrorism and Political Violence 17:3 (Autumn 2005), 293-303.

In this essay we introduce this special volume on the role of religion in world conflict. We develop a common definition of religion which focuses on five ways religion can influence society and politics: (1) as a basis for identify; (2) as a belief system that influences behavior; (3) through formal religious doctrines; (4) as a source of legitimacy; and (5) through its religious institutions. We discuss why the issue of religion has in the past received little attention from social scientists. Finally, we develop a set of common questions which the other authors in this volume address. These questions are designed to create a better understanding of the role religion plays in world conflict as well as how international relations theory can help us understand this role.

Hillel Frisch, “Has the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Become Islamic? Fatah, Islam, and the Al-Aqsa Martyr’s Brigades,” Terrorism and Political Violence 17:3 (Autumn 2005), 391-406.

Many indications in the latest round of conflict between Israel and the Palestinians suggest the Islamization of the conflict on the Palestinian side. How Fatah, the nationalist faction that has dominated the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), and its principle fighting arm during the hostilities between Israel and the Palestinians since 2000, the Al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades, have related to Islam is a crucial dimension in answering the question of the extent to which the conflict has become Islamic. This article argues on the basis of an analysis of martyrs' obituaries published by the Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades that though they were often steeped in Islamic symbols, the considerable variation suggests that the use of Islamic symbols and allusions employed by the Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades are affective rather than programmatic, designed to mobilize the public against Israel and thwart the expansion of the Islamic movements internally rather than to impact on the character of Fatah and the larger Palestinian political entity. While mobilization employing Islamic symbols is effective domestically, it is costly in an international system committed to a society based on states where raison d'état subordinates religious beliefs and goals. In the international arena, the state-centered nationalist discourse provides an edge over the Palestinian fundamentalist competition.

Gaurav Ghose and Patrick James, “Third-Party Intervention in Ethno-Religious Conflict: Role Theory, Pakistan, and War in Kashmir, 1965,” Terrorism and Political Violence 17:3 (Autumn 2005), 427-445.

Third-party intervention in ethno-religious conflict is an old phenomenon, although scholarly attention with a general range of application is generally new and uncommon. This study with attempt, through a systematic review of religion and other factors that can impact upon foreign policy role performance, to explain Pakistan's intervention in Kashmir, which led to full-scale war in 1965.  The article unfolds in six sections. The first provides an overview of thirf-party intervention in ethno-religious conflict. The second section introduces systemism a framework that brings together unit- and system-level factors. The theory of role analysis in foreign policy and its usefulness in explaining third-party, ethno-religious intervention is covered in the third section. Section four brings together systemism and role theory and eleborates linkages, with an emphasis on religion and other salient factors from the literature on foreign policy and intenational conflict. The fifth section presents the case study of Pakistan's intervention in India in 1965. Section six sums up the findings from the case study and offers a few observations about the contemporary situation in Kashmir.

Simnon Haddad, “A Survey of Lebanese Shi’I Attitudes towards Hezbollah,” Small Wars and Insurgencies 16:3 (December 2005), 317-333.

This study has been designed to investigate Lebanese Shi'i respondents' attitudes toward Lebanon's party of God (Hezbollah). Specifically, the study focuses on two research questions. First, what is the extent of support for Hezbollah and its underlying dimensions (that is, the belief it should continue to grow, or that it should be demobilised, and the desirability of confrontation with the Lebanese authorities)? Second, what are the predictors of these attitudes? The results based on a sample of 256 Shi'i respondents indicated a discrepancy between attitudes toward Hezbollah and its underlying dimensions. Furthermore, personal religiosity was found to be significant predictor to all of the resettlement variables. The implications of these findings on Lebanon are discussed.

Carolyn James and Ozgur Ozdamar, “Religion as a Factor in Ethnic Conflict: Kashmir and Indian Foreign Policy,” Terrorism and Political Violence 17:3 (Autumn 2005), 447-467.

Ethnic conflicts with a strong religious component do not have merely domestic or foreign causes and consequences. As a result, internationalization of ethnic conflict has become an important subject of inquiry both in terms of pure research and policy-oriented studies. This article presents a case study of Indian-Pakistani relations over Kashmir, used to evaluate the role of religion and the explanatory power of the approach presented here. The aim of the study is to apply a foreign policy approach that simultaneously incorporates domestic and external factors in an analysis of how and in what ways religious elements of the Kashmir question affect India's foreign policy. The approach, an application of “systemism,” contributes to current developments in the realist school of international relations through its emphasis on the need to look at both international and state levels in combination. Earlier applications of realism, as both neotraditional and structural realism clearly demonstrate, tend to remain restricted to one level or the other. In this approach, a religious dynamic can have a domestic source yet be effectively examined in terms of international ramifications.

Irina Mukhina, “Islamic Terrorism and the Question of National Liberation, or Problems of Contemporary Chechen Terrorism,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 28:6 (November-December 2005), 515-532.

Scholars have analyzed various causes of contemporary Chechen terrorism in Russia and have offered multiple explanations as to why this terrorism persists. Most commonly, these scholars accuse Russia of suppressing a Muslim struggle for national liberation in Chechnya because of Russia's own interests in Chechen territory or its lucrative oil resources. This work analyzes various instances of Chechen terrorism, 1991–2002, to conclude that the dynamics of terrorism do not support the claims of various scholars, journalists, and Chechen terrorists that Chechen rebels are fighting a war of independence and that the Russian government's failure “to let Chechnya go” instigates future acts of terrorism.

Elizabeth Oldmixon, Beth Rosenson, and Kenneth Wald, “Conflict over Israel: The Role of Religion, Race, Party and Ideology in the U.S. House of Representatives, 1997-2002,” Terrorism and Political Violence 17:3 (Autumn 2005), 407-426.

This paper explores the contours of support for the state of Israel in the House of Representatives from 1997 to 2002. In an analysis of votes and cosponsorship decisions, we find that when Congress considers innocuous resolutions of support for Israel, support is consensual and nonpartisan. However, as the violence escalated between Israel and the Palestinians in the 106th and 107th Congresses (1999–2001), the House increasingly considered bills and resolutions that directly engaged the Palestinian issue and forced legislators to take a side in the ongoing conflict. This transformed the politics of support for Israel and increased the level of conflict among legislators. With that, new partisan, ideological, religious, and racial cleavages emerged. Democrats, liberals, and African Americans started to identify with the Palestinians—not Israel—as the oppressed group. At the same time, religious and ideological conservatives and Republicans started to identify with Israel as a just state under attack from lawless individuals considered to be outside the Judeo-Christian tradition. At least with regard to Israel, this suggests that the development of U.S. foreign policy, which is often characterized as an elite-driven pursuit of national interests, is heavily marked by domestic ethno-religious forces.

Susanna Pearce, “Religious Rage: A Quantitative Analysis of the Intensity of Religious Conflicts,” Terrorism and Political Violence 17:3 (Autumn 2005), 333-352.

The conventional wisdom that religious conflicts are more intense than other types of conflicts is tested in this study using a cross-sectional time series analysis. The statistical test evaluates the intensity of 278 territorial conflict phases in the International Peace Research Institute in Oslo, Norway (PRIO) Armed Conflict Dataset. The results indicate support for the assumption that religious conflicts are more intense than other types of conflicts; however, the relationship disappears when the relevance of religion is taken into account. Furthermore, this study evaluates the relationship of conflict intensity with the type of religion involved in the conflict and determines that no religion exhibits a significantly higher or lower intensity than the others.

Michael Roberts, “Tamil Tiger ‘Martyrs’: Regenerating Divine Potency?Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 28:6 (November-December 2005), 493-514.

Contrary to claim, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) are not overwhelmingly secular in their practices. While their successes as a liberation movement have been built on organizational skills and techno-military prowess, they mobilize both the Hindu majority and a significant Christian minority within the Sri Lankan Tamil population via modalities that are deeply rooted in the lifestyles and religious practices of Tamils in India and Lanka. To grasp these capacities a reading of the deep history of Tamil civilization writ-large as well as the anthropological literature on religious cross-fertilization in Sri Lanka is essential. The weight attached to propitiatory rituals in Tamil culture inform the LTTE's burial of the dead and the building up of a sacred topography centered on their fallen (the mavirar). Just as heroic humans were deified in southern India's past, regenerative divine power is conceivably invested in today's Tiger mavirar. These facets of Tamil Tiger practice suggests that “enchantment” can nestle amidst secularized rationality in the structures of a modern political movement.

Jonathan Rynhold, “Religion, Postmodernization, and Israeli Approaches to the Conflict with the Palestinians,” Terrorism and Political Violence 17:3 (Autumn 2005), 371-389.

This article analyzes the relationship between religion and Israeli approaches to the conflict with the Palestinians. It seeks to explain why religion has become closely correlated with hawkishness since 1967. While the Jewish religion advocates no single approach to the conflict with the Palestinians, the religious have been significantly more hawkish than the nonreligious in Israel. This is because religion in Israel has reinforced ethnocentricity among the Jewish public, which in turn is highly correlated with hawkishness. Yet the correlation between religion and hawkishness only became politically prominent after 1967. This prominence is a function of the way religion has interacted with changes in Israeli political culture that were driven by the process of postmodernization. Whereas mainstream Israeli political culture has become less ethnocentric and more liberal, and consequently more dovish, the religious community has moved in the opposite direction. In this vein, religion has served to shield its adherents from most of the effects of postmodernization while simultaneously encouraging countervailing trends, which accounts for the polarization referred to above. In other words, it is the way religion has interacted with postmodernization that has made it the most effective incubator for hawkishness in Israel since 1967.

Arthur Saniotis, “Re-Enchanting Terrorism: Jihadists as “Liminal Beings”Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 28:6 (November-December 2005), 533-545

Religious terrorists have been the subject of much scholarly scrutiny. While such analyses have endeavored to elucidate the ideological logic and implications of religious terrorism, the transnational character of jihadists necessitates new ways of understanding this phenomenon. My article attempts to explain how jihadists can be defined as liminal beings who seek to re-enchant the world via their symbolic and performative features. Jihadists' strategically position themselves as ambiguous not only as a distinguishing device, but also to enhance their belief of a cosmic war on earth. Jihadists' use of symbolic imagery on the internet works within the ambit of a magical kind of panoptic power which seeks to both impress and terrify viewers.

Anthony Vinci, “The Strategic Use of Fear by the Lord's Resistance Army,” Small Wars and Insurgencies 16:3 (December 2005), 360-381.

The Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) has created a pervasive climate of fear in northern Uganda. This study addresses the purpose of this conduct. Diverging from the traditional ‘greed-grievance’ approach to the study of new wars, the LRA's behaviour is analyzed from a strategic perspective. Specifically, the article focuses on the LRA's use of mutilation, abduction, surprise, and unpredictable attacks. The conclusion is that the LRA is strategically using fear as a force multiplier, to further its organizational survival, and as a way to fight a political ‘dirty war’.

Counterinsurgency and Counterterrorism

François-Marie Gougeon, “The Challe Plan: Vain Yet Indispensable Victory,” Small Wars and Insurgencies 16:3 (December 2005), 293-316.

On April 23, 1960, General Maurice Challe left Algiers and his position as Commander in Chief there, having achieved a rapid military victory over the rebellion within Algeria. As an airman at the head of an essentially ground force engaged since 1954 in counter-insurgency warfare, he had within 16 months gained the military success everyone deemed indispensable. It proved a vain victory though over an enemy already made irrelevant by rapid developments on the national and international political stage. The enemy, Front de Libération Nationale (FLN), was a two-tiered organization. In accordance with revolutionary doctrine, the military branch, the Armée de Libération Nationale (ALN), supported the political arm, the Organisation Politico-Administrative (OPA), and in this case all operated both inside Algeria and in exile. The strength of the FLN over the course of the conflict had shifted externally to Algeria, particularly under Houari Boumedienne's leadership in Tunis. The major portion of the ALN its Tunisian sanctuary had gradually renounced the costly support of its internal units and chosen to wait in exile for further developments. The freshly formed Gouvernement Provisoire de la Republique Algerienne (GPRA), also in Tunis, had managed to obtain international recognition, and with this development the war within Algeria lost its decisive character. From an operational perspective though, the Challe Plan belongs to the list of military successes. Four years into a fight of limited tactical and strategic accomplishments, Challe, through his imagination and energy, was able to achieve victory within his short assignment with the resources at hand. Just how he accomplished this feat, as we shall see, is a fascinating example of a successful ‘small war’.

Patrick O'Neil, “Complexity and Counterterrorism: Thinking about Biometrics,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 28:6 (November-December 2005), 547-566.

Biometrics, which relies on physical characteristics to identify individuals, enjoys growing support as a counterterrorist tool. However, there is little evidence in this regard. On the contrary, one danger is that biometric systems, such as national identification cards, would create a new target for terrorists to strike, paralyzing critical infrastructure. Given these limitations, why are countries moving toward this questionable form of security? Advocates of biometrics have been able to make powerful claims that play to public perceptions of risk in general, and the threat of terrorism in particular. This article suggests decentralized methods of identification and verification.

Martijn Rasser, “The Dutch Response to Moluccan Terrorism, 1970–1978,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 28:6 (November-December 2005), 481-492.

The Netherlands experienced a spate of terrorist attacks by Moluccan nationalists in the 1970s. Lessons learned during this time should be re-examined as elements of the Dutch response are very relevant to current counterterrorism efforts. The so-called “Dutch Approach” is notable for its pragmatic and flexible nature and provided policymakers sufficient room for maneuver in responding to individual terrorist acts within the context of the greater conflict. Further deserving of renewed appreciation are the Dutch government's efforts to address and bridge the chasms within Dutch society by working hand-in-hand with Moluccan community leaders.

National-Separatist Movements/Secession

Jaroslav Tir, “Keeping the Peace after Secession: Territorial Conflicts Between Rump and Secessionist States,”Journal of Conflict Resolution 49:5 (October 2005), 713-741.

Secession is an attempt to resolve a domestically based territorialdispute by dividing a country's homeland territory into new,secessionist (e.g., Eritrea) and rump (e.g., Ethiopia) states.Yet, the secession may not have resolved the original disputeto the states' satisfaction. In the aftermath of a secession,the leader of the rump state is motivated to use force by thebenefits of retaking (some of) the land lost to the secessioniststate, while the secessionist state's leader is motivated bythe benefits of acquiring even more land. The peaceful versusviolent secession process further affects whether these desiresescalate into the use of force. The results—based on theexamination of the consequences of all twentieth-century secessions—revealthat ethnically based territorial disputes play a much greaterrole in conflict onset than do their economically or strategicallybased counterparts and that peaceful secessions lead to peacefulrelations.

Jaroslav Tir, “Dividing Countries to Promote Peace: Prospects for Long-Term Success of Partitions,”Journal of Peace Research 42:5 (September 2005), 545-562.

This article examines the prospects for long-term success ofan internally motivated division of a country’shomeland territory - a process known as partition or secession - into rump and secessionist states. Thequestion investigated is why, in the years afterthe partition, some partitioned countries are able to avoidserious domestic-level violent conflict - operationalizedas armed conflict and civil war onset - whileothers are not. The core logic of the article argues that partition-related factors affect the extent ofsupport for extremist (i.e. conflictual) versusmoderate (i.e. accommodative) policies, which in turn determinethe prospects for future peace. Aftermaths ofall 20th-century partitions are used to examinethe related hypotheses. Contrary to the arguments found in muchof the extant scholarship, the findings indicate(1) that peaceful partitions are more beneficialthan their violent counterparts; (2) that secessionist statesare less likely to experience conflict thanrump states; and (3) that partitioning for ethnic - as opposed to non-ethnic - reasons does not increasethe likelihood of future conflict. Finally,(4) the results reveal a lower than expected degree of supportfor the common claim that partitioning leadsto failure because partitioned countries tendto be ethnically diverse. These findings shed new light on thecircumstances under which partitioning may bea useful policymaking tool.

International Dimensions

Lotta Harbom, and Peter Wallensteen, “Armed Conflict and Its International Dimensions, 1946-2004,”Journal of Peace Research 42:5 (September 2005), 623-635.

In 2004, there were 30 active armed conflicts, up by one from2003. Despite this slight increase, the numberof armed conflicts remains lower than at any time since the early 1970s. While seven of the conflicts from2003 were no longer active, one entirely newconflict broke out and seven conflicts restarted, three withaction taken by new rebel groups and four bypreviously recorded actors. A total of 228 armedconflicts have been recorded after World War II and 118 afterthe end of the Cold War. The vast majority ofthem have been fought within states. However, a little over one-fifth of the internal conflicts are internationalizedin the sense that outside states contributetroops to the conflict. Less overt support, involving, for example, financial and logistic assistance, isfound much more frequently. This type of supportwas present in nearly three-quarters of the armed conflicts after the end of the Cold War. Both governmentsand rebels receive support from outside states,usually neighboring states. Outside support for governmentsfighting rebel movements is almost always providedby other governments, not by other rebel movements.






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